Maurya Kingdoms continued to exist in various parts. However, majority of Maurya kingdoms they were both Hindu and Buddhist were destroyed by the resurgence of Chalukyas and similar powers around AD. Konkan Mauryas were destroyed in AD.
Mauryas of Sindh were destroyed in AD. Mauryas of Chittor and Kota were destroyed in AD. Wikimedia Foundation. Ancestry of Chandragupta Maurya — The identification of Chandragupta Maurya with SandrokottasFor two centuries historians have been trying to establish the chronology of early India. The question of whether Chandragupta can be identified with the figure known in Western texts as… … Wikipedia. History of the Indian caste system — The history of the Indian caste system dates back to the Vedic period.
Origin The origin of the caste system as it is today is still obscure. A genetic study, led by Michael Bamshad of the University of Utah, found that the affinity of… … Wikipedia. Nai caste — The word Nai refers to a particular profession, that of cutting hair, running beauty salons, makeup or facelift clinics, beauty parlours, etc.
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Mumbai Brides Mumbai Grooms. Kolkata Brides Kolkata Grooms. Chennai Brides Chennai Grooms. Bangalore Brides Bangalore Grooms. Pune Brides Pune Grooms. Ahmedabad Brides Ahmedabad Grooms. And he was not a high caste individual sic. He had acquired power through the path shown by a vaidik Brahmin, Chankaya, but his coronation took place as per Jain traditions. Democracy is ingrained in Indian roots and traditions.
They are all agriculturist castes. Sainis are also known as Malis because their caste profession is gardening. Mauryas are also known as Murao , and the community is traditionally involved in growing vegetables. Kushwahas are also known as Koeris , and are traditionally agriculturists, as are Shakyas.
Rajnath only said what these communities also claim: that Chandragupta Maurya established a vast empire, he came from a humble background, and not from a high caste. Rajnath effectively called Chandragupta Maurya a Gadariya. These peasant communities are well-off as compared to Gadariyas, who are generally poor. They often own some land and have been politically assertive in recent years.
Kushwahas, Shakyas, Sainis and Mauryas are similar in their social and political status, and are thus finding common ground with each other. Particularly in Bihar, they have benefited from the reservation policies of Nitish Kumar, who targeted such communities politically. These are just the sort of caste communities who used to be divided between different parties in states like UP and Bihar, but have now been consolidated behind Brand Modi.
With the Modi-era BJP giving these communities importance, they have become more assertive. The rising social and economic status has helped these communities to mobilise — the protests are a result of this. Before the Bihar elections in , the party had launched a campaign hailing Chandragupta Maurya as a Kushwaha.
He is a minister of state for human resource development in the Modi government. At best, it is believed he may have been from a lower caste. The protests may be organised by small caste associations, but what is interesting is that they are spread across states. Many of these have been organised by one particular organisation, the Akhil Bhartiya Maurya Mahasabha. A Maurya group organised a protest in Faridabad, Haryana. There have been protests in Hussainabad and Jamshedpur in Jharkhand.
It is possible that such coordinated protests in different states have been fuelled by a rival of Rajnath. But it would be a mistake to read them merely in the context of the Lok Sabha elections next year. This bizarre story is a slice of the daily life of caste politics.
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